"LOSING CONFIDENCE" Restoring Democracy in Parliamentary Tradition - The Senate & Electoral Reform
Elizabeth May sets out the crisis in Canadian Democracy, claiming, and rightly so, that our primary government structures are failing to perform or even being capable of performing the highest level of service that Canada needs right now. The following initial argument suggests a way to introduce much needed "checks and balances" in a system that has devolved to be less effective than either its British parent's or its American cousin's systems.
Current standings in the Senate ( http://www.parl.gc.ca/common/senmemb/senate/ps-e.htm), and in the House of Commons, with ProRep comparisons.
House of Commons (FPTP) (ProRep) Senate (appt.) (ProRep)
Liberal 76, 81 Liberal 55, 28,
Conservative 143, 117 Conservative & PC 40, 39,
NDP 37, 57 NDP 0 19,
Bloc 50 28 Bloc 0 10,
Green 0 23 Green 0 8,
Others 2 2 Vacant, Other 10 1
(Standings in the House of Commons from Elizabeth May, Losing Confidence, page 199)
So, if the Commons and the Senate were both "elected" by proportional representation, the mix in both Houses would change dramatically. The Senate would be "elected" indirectly by using the % of popular vote achieved by each party in the most recent general election. The percentages would be applied to Party Preference Lists. In this way the Canadian Voter would be assured that the Senate not only represented the whole of Canada in a representative way geographically, but also in a qualitative way politically. There would be no possibility of "false majorities" in either House, and there would be a low possibility of "grid lock" between the two houses.
The Senate would not be accountable to the Prime Minister's Office, or to the Government caucus or to the House of Commons. It would perform an entirely independent service in its role as a "sober second thought". It could operate much like a shadow cabinet would, providing a critical "show me" perspective on legislation proposed by the Commons. Every vote in the Senate would be a "free vote", with each Senator free from the requirement to "tow the party line". There is no hiding the fact that the various political parties will have influence over the Senators who are "elected", but that influence pales by comparison with the power of the Prime Minister's Office. Proposed legislation would need to be amended and re-amended until it achieved a majority in both Houses. Such an expectation should not be an arduous burden, given the relatively similar set of ideologies at play.
An alternative that would be very interesting and perhaps even more powerful in the sense of checks and balances is the "election of the Senate" based upon the actual % of popular vote in a general election of the House of Commons, even though the Commons would continue to elect on the basis of first past the post. The impact of more diversity in political perspective would serve to emphasize the weaknesses inherent with FPTP, and would, I believe, ultimately lead to proportional election of the Commons as well.
The impact of Senate reform would probably open the doors to reforms in the election of Provincial Legislatures as well. Quebec could see real advantages with not only having Bloc members in the Senate but a strengthened popular representation in Quebec's Parliament.
I would not recommend a referendum on Senate Reform, but I would recommend serious study and confirmation of the Constitutional rights of the House of Commons to legislate this reform. No doubt that strong public support will be needed, and that is, as always, the proper realm of political activism. The failures in both BC and Ontario to embrace electoral reform lies mainly with the manner in which the "contests" were conducted. In BC the deliberate "Yes" versus "No", competition was just a typical exercise in first past the post methodology - both sides compelled to present extreme positions, with the citizens left trying to find the real truth and value in the proposition. Representing the Green Party of BC, I challenged the Chief Electoral Officer on his choice ( government's choice ) of methodology, and the NDP were silent, that is complicit. The more effective process would have been apolitical, education oriented and much more balanced.
We can learn from our failures and apply ourselves to bringing our Federal Governance up to speed with the needs of the 21st. century.
John Hague
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a Green welcome to the Senate
Welcome to promotion of a proportional Senate among Greens. Search on my name, "senate", "green party", and you will see that I have spent many words in this endeavour on this blogsite. Know also that the Harper government made some unsteady but worthwhile moves in this direction. And that learned commissions, and notably columnist J. Simpson, have spoken in favour (but this is Canada...). Still, your comments I think contain some confusion, about the role for & support in Quebec, party purpose, constitutionality. But don't stop taking about it, despite reticence among GPC democracy advocates.
Moving ahead to policy
Daryl,
So, we seem to have some momentum on this matter, and it does need work, but there exists the basic framework for a policy statement and the sooner the better. No other priority ranks higher than reforming our body politic - it is the key stone.
John
preference lists...
I think prop voting is a good idea, but preference lists allow people to buy seats. Please look at how corrupt the Russian system has become before endorsing preference lists.
Buying Seats, Buying on to the preference lists, Buying Votes
Bram, corruption is something that plagues all institutions, we need to ensure safeguards and when the corrupt show their hand, we need to punish them appropriately and with vigour. Corruption is a cancer in the body politic.
Punishment is too late.
The system must be designed to prohibit corruption. Once corruption occurs, it is always too late to correct. This is why preferential voters lists are abhorrent.
The order of preference needs to be determined by the voting public. It would not be that hard. Even with as many as 50 "national seats", divied up over 10 provinces, the largest allocation would be Ontario with only about 17 or so seats. You could divide that slate into regions, so each region would only have about 4-7 candidates.
Voters would be able to choose a preference for candidates of one party only. Basically, you would be voting green for a national seat concurrent with choosing which green candidates would be your preference. Any candidates not marked could be given default ordering provided by the party. You could also be permitted to cross out names of deference, who then would never receive a vote from you under any instant-runoff situation.
Anyway, that's just an example of how you could prevent seat buying. There are many ways, and these types of systems can be gradually introduced so people can understand how it works and not get scared.